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New Vaccine Studies Shocks Doctors Calling For It To Be Pulled From Shelved Before It Kills Potentially Millions Of People

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<p><strong>As it turns out, the Pfizer vaccine is almost entirely ineffective in children ages 5-11, according to the latest batch of trial data released by the vaccine giant. Owen Shroyer hosts <em>The Alex Jones Show</em> to break it down.</strong></p>
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source <a href="https://www.infowars.com/posts/new-vaccine-studies-shocks-doctors-calling-for-it-to-be-pulled-from-shelved-before-it-kills-potentially-millions-of-people">https://www.infowars.com/posts/new-vaccine-studies-shocks-doctors-calling-for-it-to-be-pulled-from-shelved-before-it-kills-potentially-millions-of-people</a>

news New Vaccine Studies Shocks Doctors Calling For It To Be Pulled From Shelved Before It Kills Potentially Millions Of People

As it turns out, the Pfizer vaccine is almost entirely ineffective in children ages 5-11, according to the latest batch of trial data relea...

Why the Senate is taking a doomed vote on abortion rights

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<p>The Senate on Monday will take its first vote on the Women’s Health Protection Act, a bill aimed at codifying the right to an abortion.</p>
<p>Democrats hope to use the vote to show support for abortion rights as they come <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/as-supreme-court-weighs-abortion-rights-more-states-look-at-15-week-bans-11645641664">under attack in numerous states</a>, and as they face a <a href="https://www.vox.com/22868691/supreme-court-abortion-brnovich-isaacson-arizona-roe-wade">challenge in the Supreme Court</a>. The vote, however, is widely expected to fail: Republicans are broadly opposed to the legislation and will likely filibuster it. Once filibustered, the bill would need 60 votes to advance, support it doesn’t currently have in a 50-50 Senate.</p>
<p>Democrats don’t appear to be fully united on the vote, either: Only 48 of the 50 lawmakers in the Senate Democratic caucus have signed on to co-sponsor this bill. Sens. Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Bob Casey (D-PA) have not sponsored the legislation, though <a href="https://www.casey.senate.gov/news/releases/casey-statement-on-the-womens-health-protection-act">Casey has said he’ll back Monday’s vote</a>, which is to open debate on the bill. Manchin has yet to indicate whether he’d support the bill or Monday’s procedural vote.</p>
<p>On the Republican side, Sens. Susan Collins (R-ME) and Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) have both backed abortion rights in the past, though Collins has previously said she thinks the Women’s Health Protection Act <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2021/09/22/sen-susan-collins-says-she-wont-back-abortion-rights-bill-likely-dooming-its-chances-of-passing/?sh=57508dae2001">is too expansive</a>, and Murkowski hasn’t said where she stands.</p>
<p>Although it’s a doomed bill, the consideration of the Women’s Health Protection Act is still important. By holding a vote on the legislation, Democrats are highlighting abortion rights as a priority and getting lawmakers — including vulnerable Republicans — on the record about where they stand.</p>
<p>Because the vote isn’t expected to pass, its purpose is primarily to send a political message and to demonstrate to voters that Democrats are listening to them, and trying to advance this issue. By taking it, Democrats hope to energize their base and draw a stark contrast with GOP leaders in the upcoming elections. Given most Americans, including <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/05/06/about-six-in-ten-americans-say-abortion-should-be-legal-in-all-or-most-cases/">35 percent of Republicans</a>, support abortion rights, activists believe this vote can help make their case in competitive midterm races.</p>
<p>“It’s really important to take these critical votes on issues that matter to the American people so voters understand where their elected officials are,” said Kristin Ford, a vice president of communications and research for NARAL, a group that advocates for abortion rights.</p>
<h3>What the Women’s Health Protection Act would do</h3>
<p>The Women’s Health Protection Act would enshrine into federal law the right to access and perform an abortion, and it would supersede state laws on the issue. That’s notable because it would effectively neutralize laws <a href="https://www.usnews.com/news/national-news/articles/2021-10-05/states-enact-record-number-of-abortion-restrictions-in-2021">in 19 states</a> that have sought to severely curb access to abortion or ban it altogether.</p>
<p>Such restrictions have disproportionately harmed low-income women who are already less likely to have health care coverage for abortions, and who face more obstacles accessing alternative options if their states put in barriers. According to an <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/minority-women-affected-abortion-banned-limited-82599673">ABC News report</a>, Black and Hispanic women in conservative states will also bear the outsize impact of abortion restrictions in these places because they’ve had higher abortion rates.</p>
<p>If passed, the Women’s Health Protection Act would bar six-week and 20-week bans on abortions. It would also prohibit policies, like ultrasound requirements and waiting periods, that attempt to make it more burdensome to obtain an abortion. The text of the legislation makes it clear that it’s a direct response to what the bill’s sponsors say are more than 500 state and local laws limiting abortion access implemented in some way since 2011.</p>
<p>Democrats’ consideration of the bill comes as Republican-led states have ramped up efforts to ban abortions, including a six-week ban Texas instituted last year, and as the <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/12/1/22811837/supreme-court-roe-wade-abortion-doomed-jackson-womens-health-dobbs-barrett-kavanaugh-roberts">Supreme Court weighs a case</a> that could severely dilute the protections offered by <em>Roe v. Wade.</em></p>
<p>The proposed federal law would provide sweeping protections that ensure that people have abortion access even if the Supreme Court rules to weaken reproductive rights. It wouldn’t, however, supersede laws addressing insurance coverage for abortions. Previously, there have been strict limits on Medicaid coverage of abortions because of the Hyde Amendment’s restrictions on the use of federal funding for such health care.</p>
<p>“People are counting on the Senate to do what the Supreme Court will not,” Nancy Northrup, the president of the Center for Reproductive Rights, said in a statement. “The hardship and chaos in Texas right now is coming to other states soon, unless the right to abortion is protected through federal legislation.”</p>
<h3>The vote also makes the case for a larger Democratic majority</h3>
<p>In addition to revealing where lawmakers stand, the vote also makes the case for a larger Democratic majority.</p>
<p>Because Democrats have such narrow margins in the Senate, they aren’t able to advance most bills if they get blocked by Republicans. Additionally, their razor-thin 50-50 majority means that any Democratic defections would still stymie the legislation even if the filibuster were to be eliminated.</p>
<p>If Democrats were able to keep all of the Senate seats they currently hold, and win the seats currently held by the GOP that the <a href="https://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/senate-race-ratings">Cook Political Report</a> rates as “toss-up” or “lean Republican,” they’d gain five seats. That’s an unlikely prospect, but they’ll try to argue for it this fall with votes like the one on the Women’s Health Protection Act.</p>
<p>In certain <a href="https://www.pewforum.org/religious-landscape-study/compare/views-about-abortion/by/state/">battleground states including Pennsylvania and Wisconsin,</a> a narrow majority of adults have said they believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases, according to a 2014 Pew survey. Support for abortion rights was slightly less robust in other purple states like Georgia and Arizona. Advocates hope this vote will be compelling for swing voters in places where abortion rights have strong support, and a motivating force for the Democratic base.</p>
<p>Even if they were to pick up more seats, Democrats would still need Republican support to hit a 60-vote threshold to overcome filibusters. But they’d potentially have the 51 votes needed to eliminate the filibuster or to establish a carve-out for certain bills, including legislation to protect abortion rights.</p>
<p>That’s a tantalizing possibility for Democrats, who have spent two years seeing their legislative goals blocked by the Republican minority. Ford notes that Monday’s vote could play an important role in reminding voters of the importance of winning every race possible ahead of the midterm elections.</p>
<p>“We need to secure more seats so we can advance legislation like this that is so critical, and so aligned with mainstream public opinions,” Ford said.</p>
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source <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/2/28/22946299/womens-health-protection-act-senate-vote-abortion-rights">https://www.vox.com/2022/2/28/22946299/womens-health-protection-act-senate-vote-abortion-rights</a>

vox Why the Senate is taking a doomed vote on abortion rights

The Senate on Monday will take its first vote on the Women’s Health Protection Act, a bill aimed at codifying the right to an abortion. De...

The Supreme Court appears eager to gut the EPA, but can’t figure out how to do it

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<p><a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/west-virginia-v-environmental-protection-agency/"><em>West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency</em></a> is one of the most frustrating cases that the Supreme Court has heard in many years. It involves an Obama-era environmental regulation that <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/2/23/22937517/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-climate-change">never took effect</a>, that President Joe Biden’s administration has no intention of reinstating, and that imposed such minimal obligations on power plants that it’s not clear the regulation really required them to do anything in the first place.</p>
<p>But a majority of the Supreme Court appears likely to strike down this undead environmental regulation after Monday morning’s oral arguments in the <em>West Virginia</em> case, even though the conservative justices seem to have struggled to figure out how they could write an opinion that actually does so.</p>
<p>Depending on how they decide to resolve that question, a decision striking this zombie regulation could potentially <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/2/23/22937517/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-climate-change">gut the EPA’s ability to control emissions from power plants</a>.</p>
<p><em>West Virginia</em> concerns the Clean Power Plan (CPP), a 2015 policy that was <a href="https://www.vox.com/2015/8/2/9086559/obama-climate-plan-preview">widely touted</a> as President Barack Obama’s most ambitious effort to fight climate change when it was announced. Obama’s Environmental Protection Agency projected that the CPP would lower carbon emissions from US power plants by about a third from where they stood in 2005.</p>
<p>But the CPP turned out to be cursed. In a party-line vote in 2016, the Supreme Court <a href="https://www.vox.com/2016/2/9/10955470/supreme-court-blocks-obama-co2-rules">suspended the plan before it could actually do anything</a>. Then Donald Trump became president, and Trump’s EPA <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/11/3/22758188/climate-change-epa-clean-power-plan-supreme-court">formally repealed the CPP</a> and replaced it with a much weaker rule.</p>
<p>On top of all of that, Obama’s seemingly ambitious policy turned out to be a dud. Had the CPP taken effect, it would have required power plans to comply with certain emissions targets by 2030 — but the energy sector actually <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/2/23/22937517/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-climate-change">reached those targets in 2019</a>, largely due to market forces that drove power companies to shut down expensive-to-operate coal plants in favor of cheaper methods of power generation such as natural gas or renewable energy.</p>
<p>Yet, while <em>West Virginia</em> is really a case about a defunct rule that wouldn’t have accomplished much even if did go into effect, most of the justices appeared unbothered by arguments that the Court <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/2/23/22937517/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-climate-change">shouldn’t even be hearing this case in the first place</a>.</p>
<p>Instead, much of Monday’s hearing focused on whether the Court should apply its “<a href="https://www.vox.com/22883639/supreme-court-vaccines-osha-cms-biden-mandate-nfib-labor-missouri">major questions doctrine</a>,” a judicially created doctrine that limits the power of federal agencies to hand down particularly consequential regulations.</p>
<p>The result was a largely incoherent argument, where many of the conservative justices seemed to be searching for a way to apply a vague doctrine to a rule that doesn’t even exist.</p>
<h3>The Clean Power Plan, briefly explained</h3>
<p>Before we get into the Court’s confused efforts to apply this major questions doctrine, it’s helpful to understand a few details about how the CPP works, and how it is justified legally.</p>
<p>Under the CPP, the EPA gave each state a goal for cutting power plant emissions. States have <a href="https://www.vox.com/2015/8/4/9096903/clean-power-plan-explained">tremendous flexibility</a> to decide how to achieve this goal, but, had the CPP actually taken effect, states would have had to submit plans to the EPA between 2016 and 2018 outlining how they would have cut emissions. If a state did not submit a plan, EPA could implement its own plan in that state — a plan that most likely would have involved a cap-and-trade program that effectively imposes higher costs on plants with higher emissions.</p>
<p>To justify this policy, Obama’s EPA pointed to the Clean Air Act. Initially enacted in 1963 (though its been amended many times), the Clean Air Act’s current language instructs the EPA to set emissions standards based on what’s possible through “the application of the <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/7411">best system of emission reduction</a>,” while also taking into account factors such a cost.</p>
<p>One the EPA sets such a standard, the states get the first crack at deciding how to achieve it, but the statute also permits EPA to impose its own rule in states that fail “to submit a satisfactory plan.”</p>
<p>The parties challenging the CPP include a <a href="http://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/20/20-1530/204846/20211213135136223_WV%20v%20EPA%20-%20Opening%20Brief%20for%20WV.pdf">bloc of red states</a> and <a href="http://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/20/20-1530/204904/20211213163113690_20-1530%20-%20NACCO%20Opening%20Merits%20Brief.pdf">various members of the coal industry</a>. They effectively argue that the CPP would have imposed such strict standards on the energy sector that the only way to achieve them would have been “generation shifting” — that is, shifting away from dirtier technologies like coal and towards methods of energy production that produce fewer emissions. And they claim that the Clean Air Act does not permit EPA to require such generation shifting.</p>
<p>Or, as several justices described their arguments on Monday, the parties opposing the CPP claim that the Clean Air Act only permits “inside the fence” regulation — that is, regulations governing how a particular plant operates — and not “outside the fence” regulations that seek to regulate the entire energy grid, and that could force a coal plant to be replaced with a different kind of plant.</p>
<p>The CPP’s opponents point to a provision of the Clean Air Act which provides that, when states draw up their plans to comply with the EPA’s emissions standards, that plan should apply to “any existing source for any air pollutant.” Thus, they claim, an “existing” coal plant may be required to install a new emissions-reducing device. But a broader regulation of the entire energy sector is not allowed because it could go beyond plants that already exist.</p>
<p>It’s a plausible, but not really airtight reading of the statute. One problem with this proposed reading is that it’s hard to draw a clear line between “inside the fence” regulations that merely require coal plants to adopt new technology, and “outside the fence” regulations that seek to replace a coal plant with something else. As Justice Clarence Thomas pointed out, the EPA could potentially require coal plants to install an expensive technology that would effectively render them unable to compete. And that would have the same effect as an “outside the fence” regulation that required the entire power grid to disfavor coal.</p>
<p>Another problem with the anti-CPP’s parties’ interpretation of the statute is that the Supreme Court has historically required judges to <a href="https://www.vox.com/22865247/supreme-court-vaccination-covid-omicron-osha-missouri-biden-nfib">defer to an agency’s reading of a federal statute</a> when that statute is ambiguous. So even if the Clean Air Act’s “existing source” language could plausibly be read to prohibit “outside the fence” regulation, courts should reject that reading of the statute if the EPA’s reading is also plausible.</p>
<p>But that brings us to the major questions doctrine.</p>
<h3>What on earth is the major questions doctrine?</h3>
<p>As explained above, longstanding legal doctrines create a presumption in favor of a federal agency’s interpretation of a federal statute when that statute is ambiguous. The major questions doctrine, however, flips that presumption on its head — essentially pushing courts to <em>reject</em> an agency’s reading of a federal law if the agency attempts to do anything too consequential.</p>
<p>As the Court explained the major questions doctrine in <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=5508189020577131514&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr"><em>Utility Air Regulatory Group v. EPA</em></a> (2014) that “we expect Congress to speak clearly if it wishes to assign to an agency decisions of vast ‘economic and political significance.’” So, under this doctrine, when regulations have “vast economic and political significance,” the Court will block the regulation, unless the statute very clearly gives the agency authority to issue such a rule.</p>
<p>But the Court has never explained what, exactly, it means for a regulation to have “vast economic and political significance.” And it was apparent on Monday that the justices did not understand how to apply their own doctrine. Over the course of Monday’s arguments, different justices proposed at least three different definitions of what constitutes a major question.</p>
<p>The simplest way to read the doctrine is that it applies to any regulation that tries to accomplish a whole lot. But, if this is the proper way to read the major questions doctrine, then it should not apply to the Clean Power Plan. How could a regulation that imposed such minimal obligations on the energy industry that the industry met those obligations on its own, and did so 11 years early, count as a matter of vast economic and political significance?</p>
<p>But most of the justices appeared unconvinced by this argument that a regulation that accomplishes little can’t qualify as a “major question.” Justice Brett Kavanaugh, for example, pointed to a line in <em>Utility Air</em> stating that “when an agency claims to discover in a long-extant statute an unheralded power to regulate ‘a significant portion of the American economy,’ we typically greet its announcement with a measure of skepticism.”</p>
<p>He suggested that the CPP involves just such a “surprise” expansion of the EPA’s power, because EPA threatened to <a href="https://www.vox.com/2015/8/4/9096903/clean-power-plan-explained">impose a cap-and-trade regime</a> on any state that did not comply with its obligations under the Clean Power Plan. And he seemed to believe that EPA historically has not wielded a similar power in the past.</p>
<p>But while EPA did issue a “model” cap-and-trade plan that it could have theoretically imposed on noncompliant states, it <a href="https://content.sierraclub.org/creative-archive/sites/content.sierraclub.org.creative-archive/files/pdfs/1184-CPP-FIP-hearings_Fact_03_low.pdf">never issued a formal rule</a> imposing this plan on any state. Nevertheless, Kavanaugh appeared to view the EPA’s mere threat to impose such a regime as an example of the EPA discovering a new power in an old statute.</p>
<p>Justice Samuel Alito proposed a slightly different interpretation of the major questions doctrine. He seems to think a federal regulation might run afoul of this doctrine if an agency claims a potentially very consequential new authority — even if it doesn’t do very much with that power.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/98-1152.ZO.html"><em>FDA v. Brown and Williamson</em></a> (2000), the Supreme Court held that, under the FDA’s then-existing authority, the agency was not allowed to regulate tobacco. Suppose, Justice Stephen Breyer suggested in an attempt to explain Alito’s proposed rule to a confused attorney, that FDA had issued a regulation that applies only to “four foot cigars smoked through hookahs.”</p>
<p>This would be a very minor regulation, as not many people smoke enormous cigars through a water pipe. But it would still involve the FDA stepping into a new policy area — tobacco regulation — that the FDA was not allowed to touch under the law that existed when <em>Brown & Williamson</em> was decided. So, under Alito’s framework, FDA’s hypothetical attempt to regulate big cigars smoked through hookahs would constitute a major question.</p>
<p>But it’s also unclear why Alito’s framework undercuts the Clean Power Plan. There’s no serious question that the EPA can regulate power plants. So its not like the EPA claimed dominion over an entirely new policy area like the FDA did in <em>Brown & Williamson</em>.</p>
<p>The problem with the major questions doctrine is that it is <a href="https://www.vox.com/22883639/supreme-court-vaccines-osha-cms-biden-mandate-nfib-labor-missouri">extraordinarily vague</a>. Determining which regulations have “vast economic and political significance” necessarily requires the justices to exercise subjective judgment, and they can apply such judgment selectively to strike down regulations they don’t like and uphold regulations they do approve of.</p>
<p>Monday’s oral arguments seemed to confirm that it will be difficult to rein in the doctrine and place principled limits on it — if that’s even something this Court would like to do. Many of the justices spent the hearing fumbling about for a way to read the major questions doctrine so that it would apply to a defunct regulation that hardly does anything.</p>
<p>And, in the likely event that they strike down the Clean Power Plan, they could destroy EPA’s power to take similar action against climate change in the future.</p>
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source <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/2/28/22954696/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-brett-kavanaugh-samuel-alito">https://www.vox.com/2022/2/28/22954696/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-brett-kavanaugh-samuel-alito</a>

vox The Supreme Court appears eager to gut the EPA, but can’t figure out how to do it

West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency is one of the most frustrating cases that the Supreme Court has heard in many years. It i...

Anarchy and Crime Have Taken Over The Streets of Kiev

news Anarchy and Crime Have Taken Over The Streets of Kiev

An American citizen journalist provides a glimpse into the Russian-Ukraine war that you won’t get from the mainstream media. Shocking foot...

VIDEO: Watch Adam Schiff Declare War on Russia from the House Floor

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Smoking gun discovery by international coalition of scientists reveal COVID-19 synthetically created years before pandemic.</div>
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source <a href="https://www.infowars.com/posts/epic-rant-alex-jones-rages-at-moderna-for-creating-covid-19-gene-sequence">https://www.infowars.com/posts/epic-rant-alex-jones-rages-at-moderna-for-creating-covid-19-gene-sequence</a>

news EPIC RANT: Alex Jones Rages At Moderna For Creating COVID-19 Gene Sequence

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